Right to
an Ordinary Life
Hon Bill
Shorten MP Member for Maribyrnong
Parliamen
tary
Secretary for Disabilities and
Children's Services
Parliamen
tary
Secretary for Victorian
Bushfire
Reconstruction
01/04/2009
National
Press Club
Canberra
Thank you
Ken Baker from National Disability Services for
that
introduction.
I'd like to
acknowledge
the
traditional owners of
the land
where we meet, the Ngunnawal people, and pay respect
to elders past and
present.
I also
acknowledge the Minister
Annastacia Palaszczuk, the new
Queensland Minister for
Disability
Services
and Multicultural Affairs,
who has
been in the job for less than a
week.
I also
acknowledge Dr Jeff
Harmer, the head of
the
Department of Families, Housing, community Services
and Indigenous Affairs,
other
FaHCSIA representatives and the
National Disability Services.
Last month
my parliamentary duties were
expanded
and I've become involved in the repair and
reconstruction of the towns devastated by
the bushfires of February
7th.
We all know
what a horrific day that was, and what it eventually
meant, and what it told of Australian capacity
for doing and giving; the ceaseless hours, working
through
days of fear, grief, fatigue, flames,
smoke and appalling
devastation; the respect and care for the people we
love and care for, - live and work with.
It's that unique spirit and ethos historians
have
written about us for more than a century, but its
real meaning is only
properly seen and felt on the
ground.
Today, I
want to
talk of another group of Australians:
Australians with
the same
ilk of
courage, spirit and ethos, whose circumstances
are
vastly different from most, whose days and nights are
a
mighty
struggle to achieve a
capacity
and independence that others of
us have
never
once wondered about and always presumed to be
available; Australians who speak
clearly
and strongly to themselves - or they simply wouldn't
survive - but whose voices are rarely heard by the
broader many who live in their midst and
otherwise
occupy
this nation.
I'm talking
of a silent, aching, struggle,
ever infused by love,
affecting millions of lives, which falls mostly under
the radar.
It happens
daily,
quietly and inexorably, and has been going on for too
many years to count or know. It is invisible, or at
least so accepted and
entrenched in our
society that we fail to see its most
fundamental infringement of human rights and
dignity.
I'm talking
of young men and women with lifelong disabilities living in
aged care homes. Living with people in their later years,
nearing the end of their
lives, people they are unable
to connect with and share
experiences with all
because
they have no other choices available to
them.
I speak of
ageing
parents
and carers looking after an adult
child
for as long as they can,
forever haunted by the thought of what will happen
to their
son or daughter when they die
or they're no longer able to give them the
constant attention and support
they
need.
Couples
who've had too little sleep for too long, whose
marriages collapse from the
physical and emotional stress of
constantly caring for
a child with a disability.
I speak of
people
with a disability who are able and are keen to work but they
can't because some amongst us are
not prepared to see the value of their
contribution; rather, we
are worried about what they might cost us.
I'm talking
of wonderful parents who love without question,
people
who prevail not simply endure. I am talking of the
quest by people with disability, their
families
and supported by
professional
carers, to
live ordinary lives.
There are
good things the Rudd
Government,
led by
Senior Minister Jenny Macklin, is
doing in disability. We've put
together an agreement with the States that will add $5.3
billion to
disability
funding.
We're
beginning, at last, the
slow work of untangling the bureaucratic
crazy maze that parents
go through when they seek help for their
children.
We are
developing a National
Disability Strategy and
a workforce strategy aimed at getting
people
with disabilities
jobs.
We have
rolled out 250 new places in
Australian Disability Enterprises creating employment
opportunities for people with
more severe disabilities.
I have
chaired regular meetings with Australia's top
employers to obtain a commitment to improving
employment of people
with disability.
We have
paid 720,000 DSP recipients and
120,000
Carer Payment recipients an extra $1400 if they are
single, and $1050 if
partnered.
Also
440,000
Carer Allowance recipients received an
additional
$1000.
And we've
made it easier for
people
on the Disability Pension to look
for work
without being punished for daring to try to get a
job.
With
changes
from 1 July, we shall be providing Carer Payment to
an extra 19,000 carers of children
with disability.
We're
establishing six Autism specific Early Learning and
Care Centres across Australia, and have to
date provided early intervention funding to over 1000
children
through our Helping Children with Autism
package.
We've
ratified the United Nations Convention on the Rights
of
Persons with Disability - one
of the first Western Countries to do
so.
We've
tabled the draft Disability Standards for
Access to Premises. Once finalised, they will provide a
greater certainty for people with
disability as well as
industry, and will cover new publicly accessible
buildings
and
those that are being
significantly
upgraded.
We've
expanded
the delivery of individual advocacy services and
improved service coverage. But I'm not here just to
praise
the Rudd
Government.
What I want to emphasise is where we go from here and how
huge a task it is we have before
us.
Bill
Shorten: Right to an Ordinary Life
Page 2 of 11
And I want
to say it's a task that
can't be
solved, by funding alone.
Because it
involves a change in the way we look at things;
an
honest appraisal of
ourselves,
a fresh
approach
to how we treat others, a deeper
understanding of what it is
to be part of humanity. It involves
what T.S. Eliot called 'visions and
re-visions'.
It's not
dissimilar as the one earlier reformers faced,
when they started to say in public meetings that
anyone can sit anywhere on the bus, that
anyone
can use the washroom, that anyone can vote,
whatever the colour of
their skin.
But first
some numbers, to show the enormity of what we're
dealing with.
People with
disability can be classified as having profound, severe,
moderate
or mild core activity
limitation.
The
disabilities we classify as profound or
serious are many, but
include Cerebral Palsy, Down Syndrome, Fragile X
Syndrome, Autism Spectrum Disorders,
Deafness, Blindness and pronounced
intellectual disability.
In
Australia there are
approximately 1,145,000 people with either a
profound or serious disability -
that's about the population of
Adelaide.
Such a
disability affects
about 1 in 24 children
aged up
to 14 years.
Over 50% of
the 319,900 children with disability have
profound or severe core activity limitation. And then
there are the carers.
In 2003,
approximately
2.5
million people
reported
providing informal care to a person because of
disability or old age. This is the population of
Adelaide,
plus
Perth.
500,000
were the primary carer of a person with a disability.
This is the population of
Tasmania. Primary carers are likely to be in the
poorest two fifths of all households and
55% receive income
support as their main source of cash
income.
Most
primary carers (71%) are
women.
People with
mental illness experience even higher rates of
unemploym
ent and
lower rates of labour force participation than those
with sensory, speech and physical
disability
.
1
Poverty rates of people
with disability have been
growing, and today more than 30 per cent of
households with a person with disability
live on less than half the median
income.
And yet they pay the highest price for the basics of
living, for the basics of an ordinary life.
Economists believe the impact of disability
amounts to around 30% of
household
income.
It is not an exaggeration to say
that 2 million Australians are
affected
every day by
disability.
This is about the same as the
number of Australians who belong to a trade union. And
they're much less well organised.
Because I'm speaking from
experience
when I say: I just wish they were as well
organised as
the
Bill
Shorten: Right to an Ordinary Life
Page 3 of 11
union movement. I really
do.
When I left the union movement
and came to the disability portfolio in
2007 I
was, like most
Australians, not aware of the entrenched
discrimination.
In my previous life I had
stood up for workers who had been injured at work,
but I didn't yet understood
the
scale of the problem in
Australia, or how hard it was for people so injured, so
traumatised, so sidelined, so internally
exiled to get the help they
need.
I shared the same "out of sight, out of mind"
attitude of too many other
people.
I was, you might say, colour-blind. I didn't see
the
intricate variety of life that I, as a union
leader,
and a Member of
Parliament, was
necessarily involved in as a functioning part of a
democracy.
That attitude - and the passive
discrimination that
comes with it - is one of the main reasons why people
with disability are often
defined
by their disability, and not by their unique
humanness.
Why a whole and natural life is
withheld
from them, or seems impossibly hard to reach. It is
why they are still not fully
participating in
what
Australia has to offer.
Impairments are a fact of life. They arrive at
birth through life's genetic lottery, they
take hold
of us in a car ride or a swim in the surf that goes
devastatingly wrong, they slowly permeate us as we grow
old.
In a sense, impairments are not what disable
people.
What disables people is society's attitudes
towards the impairment. An unrevised vision of
the
different.
An unwillingness or
inability to
contemplate the
different, to imagine its
challenges and
possibilities, and to
recognise what is
similar and humanly familiar.
Australians with disability face a prejudice
which is entrenched, systemic and
subtle, though still
at times
overt and openly abhorrent.
They face it every day, and it shapes their
experiences and responses
and how
they travel through the world and
life.
To the difficulty they have in walking,
seeing or speaking is added the treatment that they
receive - the averted eye, the turned back, the
over-polite response in cadences suiting, a
kindergarten child, be
it on a
bus, in a workplace, a job interview, in a
shop or
at school.
I have spoken to mothers with two disabled
children who have been
approached by strangers in shopping centres and asked
outright, 'Why did you have a second
child?'
The following quote came up
through our consultations on the National
Disability Strategy.
'A bugbear of everyone who loves someone
who is
disabled
is that they are labelled according to their
disability or weakness. So
my son is known as 'speech-impaired'; that is
his label. Which is like
telling someone who is totally
beautiful but has big feet that they are primarily
identified as having big feet and the fact that they
happen also to be beautiful is lost. Can
we focus a bit more on addressing the
strengths
so that John Smith the disabled boy can become John
Smith the brilliant rocket
scientist?'
Here's another from someone who became disabled
as an adult.
'My experience
changed
the day I went out the first time with a visible
impairment. I was twenty-
Bill
Shorten: Right to an Ordinary Life
Page 4 of 11
eight-years-old and went to a large
community
event I had attended
annually
for several years. A woman rushed up to me and
spoke to
me in a tone of voice that one might use
speaking
to a very young child. I wondered why no-one else had
ever done that in all the years I'd come as an
able- bodied person. Surely it was wonderful that all
of us had come?'
Most of us believe that our jobs define us, and so of
course do the physically
impaired. 13 percent of them have
university degrees but this often doesn't help.
63
percent of the blind or visually impaired find it
goes against them when
they're looking for jobs. Those with a mental
illness usually
decide not to tell their
employer.
Many found, as one said, they had to
undergo 'well-meaning but restrictive measures under
the guise of duty of care. No
longer being allowed to drive a work
vehicle meant the loss of a portion of my
independence, even though
there
were no restrictions on my
driving outside of
work.
'The psychological impact was that for the first
time I
started to feel like a disabled person, rather than
as a person with a
disability. Believe me, they are very different
feelings.'
Access to public
buildings or
transport always was, and
continues to be a major
issue.
Their access to public or
government
buildings matters less,
because they spend so little
time in them, than their access to shops
and
cafes and restaurants.
The people I speak of are real. They don't
ask for a ramp to the top of Mt Kosciusko
but they
do expect to be able to get into the local public
library,
the local community
centre.
They are in fact the last of the
invisible, marginalised
groups whose suffering is overlooked
by the broader community.
They are more likely to be in
prison.
This issue is of huge concern to me. Susan
Hayes of
the University of Sydney found that 20
percent of people in the
prisons of New South Wales,
that's eighteen hundred
prisoners, had an
IQ below
70, which represents a
serious
intellectual disability,
compared with 1 to 2 percent of
the general population.
And what I want to know is, what are we doing
wrong that is turning them to
crime.
What are we doing wrong as a society to let so many
people
with an intellectual
disability to
end up
in and out of the prison
system?
Is it to do with their developing
anti-social and aggressive
behaviour, because of
the way we treat them?
May
be.
Is it to do with the accommodation
we put them in, which makes it hard for them to live
without dignity and self-respect?
Maybe.
Is it to do with our not allowing
them to enter the general workforce? Absolutely, I'd
say.
I've been thinking about all this, and I've come
to some conclusions, and I make no apologies for
seeing disability as an
issue,
not of resource allocation, but of
basic civil rights.
I believe it is the last frontier of
practical civil
rights in this
country.
And after two and a half centuries, we may reach that
frontier.
Rights remain theoretical
especially
for people with severe disabilities and their
carers,
without
Bill
Shorten: Right to an Ordinary Life
Page 5 of 11
adequate access to robust and specialist
service systems.
To take a simple example: if
someone
was told they could not get on a bus, train or
taxi
because of their sex, or their old age, or the
colour
of their skin, there would be an outcry.
If someone is unable to get on a bus because
their
wheelchair won't fit - we
make no comment, we turn a blind
eye.
The range of accessible public buses is around
25% to
70% - depending on where you live. Again the
availability of timetable and
surrounding
infrastructure also varies
greatly. NSW has around
700
accessible buses out of nearly
1800.
It's easy enough to rationalise in
those
circumstances,
to find
reasons why it's too hard,
or too expensive for that person to be
allowed
on the bus.
And it's somehow also too hard to
ask the
question: How
would I
feel if that was me? If that
was my mother or father or my
child?
Some of you may think the
person in the wheelchair should demand their rights,
that it's up to them. They've got it, they own it,
they should deal with it, I'm
busy.
I think it's up to us, to all
of us, to say: "This bus isn't
moving until we're all on board." The
Disability Discrimination
Act came into effect in 1992, in Paul
Keating's
day.
Only 18 years ago. 90 years
after women were first allowed
the vote
in this country. Only 18 years
ago.
And daily the cases come in, and the
Australian Human
Rights
Commission
deal with them:
...the woman refused a job as a
telemarketer because
she was
blind in one
eye;
...the man in a wheelchair told that he could not
board a
return flight from Thailand on an
Australian
airline that left him stranded
there;
...blind people told they
couldn't bring seeing-eye dogs
into a clean, protected
place.
All of these people who till 1992 had to fend for
themselves, to push
alone
against the unmoving barriers
of ignorance and
prejudice, and all of us who
don't want to know, the things we half-know, and will not
think
on.
Compare that with the racial
and sex
discrimination acts signed into law in 1975
and 1984 respectively - thirty-three years ago, and
twenty-four years
ago.
Today this prejudice, this enduring
prejudice,
occupies
a huge
proportion of complaints
received under discrimination acts.
For instance, under
Victoria's Equal
Opportunity Act, more than 700 complaints are made
per year
on grounds of disability.
That is more than in any other category.
It is more than complaints about sex, race,
religion, sexual orientation and
political activity
combined.
In the Australian Human Rights
Commission, half of the 998 of the total 2077
complaints that were
Bill
Shorten: Right to an Ordinary Life
Page 6 of 11
made last year were on disability
grounds.
2 Yet these complaints
seldom
get media coverage. It happens in the workplace most
of all.
People with disability want to
work.
And less than 10 per
cent of
people on the Disability
Support Pension are in any form of paid work. And
this is not
acceptable.
What about how you only hear media of DSP
when
someone is rorting?
It is not acceptable either that only HALF
of the people with a disability can find
work, when so many want
work.
Humankind is a challenge-seeking
animal.
We all know that. A good many companies get
this.
They understand that people with
disabilities, stay longer and are
less likely to be
injured
at work. And they're telling me this. They get
it.
But, there are also attitudes that are
blinkered, like mine a year and a half ago,
and no doubt, many, many
others.
The Rudd Government lately, with the
support of the Opposition, a happy rarity these days,
altered the Act to add in
clauses to do with
catering for people with disabilities, and how to
take steps that were not
'unreasonable' to better accommodate them and serve them
in the
workplace.
These changes have been
attacked by some in the business community as being
potentially damaging
to business.
Too costly. Too disruptive. Not reasonable. Not
economically sound.
Not economically defensible.
Unthinking prejudice
wearing
the fig-leaf of
economic
responsibility.
They say they'll cost more in
workers' compensation. There's not a
shred of evidence of this.
They say that modifying the
workplace will cost too much - when the
average cost is under 500
dollars.
How do we think people with
disability feel, when they
know the only thing standing between them and
their dream job is a lack
of empathy from
their
potential employer and a lousy 500
dollars?
Unemployment in Australia is expected to
rise to 7
per cent, and many people will ask the
question: "Why should it be a
priority
to get people with disability into the
workforce? I need a job too."
I have two answers to
this.
One is the standard sensible
answer:
That in the long term we have an ageing
population and once this
current
economic crisis has passed we will need to use the
potential of
all
members of society in all walks of life.
The second answer is more simple:
Bill
Shorten: Right to an Ordinary Life
Page 7 of 11
When did basic civil
rights
become dependent on the state
of the
All Ordinaries, or the strength of the
dollar against the
yen?
People with disability should not be pushed to
the back
of the
queue, the back of the bus, or out of the washroom, by
the current
economic
crisis.
Because what we're asking isn't charity, and it doesn't
involve sacrifice, and it never did.
People with disability can be as
productive as anyone else.
Take this example of four people
looking for work: One,
let's call him Leo, is deaf, the
second Frank is in a wheelchair and the third Helen,
is blind and the fourth,
Steve,
can not make himself
understood.
It is likely that all four
resumes
would be put on the bottom of the
pile by a boss or a job agency too concerned
about
the problems that these
unhappy
unfortunates might cause.
That boss would have turned
down Ludwig van Beethoven, Franklin D.
Roosevelt, Helen Keller and Stephen
Hawking.
How many Beethovens,
Roosevelts, Kellers and Hawkings are we missing out
on in our nation because
of this
willed blindness,
this
inability to move beyond looking at
someone's impairment to the
whole person?
In the last 16 months we have
made
progress down this
path.
The new National Disability Agreement with the
Australian Government, States and Territories will improve
and expand services The Commonwealth will
provide
approximately $5.3 billion in funding over five
years to the States for specialist
disability services.
This significant
injection of new funds
will provide for more services
and to achieve reform of the disability service
system over the life of the new agreement. The key
elements of the reform of the
disability service system
are:
•
Early intervention and planning
to ensure that clients
receive the most appropriate and timely
support.
•
Improved measurement of unmet demand for
disability services.
•
Population benchmarking of
disability
services.
•
A national workforce strategy to address
attraction and
retention of the
disability services
workforce.
•
A National quality assurance
system
for disability services.
•
National harmonisation of aids and
equipment
The reform of the disability service system
should create an effective, efficient and
equitable
disability services
system.
Together these reforms will provide a
responsive system of
disability support that is
easy to access and responds flexibly to
people's changing
needs.
Just last month Minister Macklin and I persuaded
the State and Territory Governments to agree
to a series
of timelines to
implement the National
Disability Agreement. They have also agreed to
increased transparency -
providing information every six months on the progress
of key elements
of the Agreement, including the
Disability
Assistance
Package,
the Young People in Residential Aged Care and the
$100
million supported
accommodation
initiative.
So, we are moving in the right direction, but
there is
much to do.
About this time last year, I convened
the Disability
Investment
Group
3
, or DIG, to explore
Bill
Shorten: Right to an Ordinary Life
Page 8 of 11
innovative funding ideas to help
people
with a disability and their
families take greater control
and plan
for the future. They will
shortly report to
Government. Their view is that: a further major
drawback of the current disability services
system
is that the client is not at its centre. Whilst the
move to more individualised packages of care is
welcome, there is little opportunity for
planning over the life course with individuals which
involve their families, helps
them
meet their aspirations and prepare for
key transitions.
This echoes the experiences
of thousands of
parents
who struggle to get
assistance for their
children.
And once they do get help then
they find that there are a
series
of points, generally beginning and ending
secondary education,
where they are forced to start from
scratch.
They feel that: at a systemic level, there
is not the robust
data or
monitoring capacity across the
current fragmented system to
enable effective integrated planning
and continuous re-evaluation of
outcomes.
Again we recognise this and are working
with the states to ensure that things
begin to improve. I understand parents in
the main
aren't looking for handouts, but
only a lessening of the
bureaucratic barriers that stop them looking
after their children fully. I understand we
should look at the individual
circumstances.
I understand we should look at home
modifications, medical
equipment, respite care for parents
as
necessi
ties, not
luxuries because they are
necessities.
The DIG looked at a National Disability Insurance
Scheme, an idea from the 2020 summit, and believes
it is worthy of further investigation
by way of feasibility study.
They also believe in reform of the state
based schemes which provide lifetime care and support
for the traumatically
injured.
The proposed scheme would be based on the
no-fault
Workers Compensation model, and
provide support on a needs-basis for people with
serious disabilities
This is a big idea. It's as big as the
original
idea for
Medibank. It would turn our current system of
providing disability services on its head. Instead of
funding services for people with
disabilities to find
(knowing
we are not funding enough), this
proposed
new approach would provide individualised lifetime
care and
support
for each person from the point of
diagnosis.
Individual case managers would
work with individuals and
their
families and carers, developing customised plans of
treatment, care and
support, aids and equipment, transport,
home modifications and so on. For
the first time there would be certainty and a
whole-of-life
perspective for people with
disabilities and their
families.
It's a simple yet exciting and visionary idea. It
has big implications for our
society - and is a fundamental
shift in the provision of services for people with
disabilities. There is a lot to consider
before Australia can go down this path. But I believe
it is a good idea
that
demands serious debate and
investigation to see if it
could work in our nation.
Old systems are being discarded, and a new and better
system is beginning to emerge, though we are not
there yet. We have, as the Americans say, a 'ways
to
go'.
Where we should be one day, I think, is
somewhere like this.
Bill
Shorten: Right to an Ordinary Life
Page 9 of 11
Support should begin on the day a child's
condition is
diagnosed - which in many
cases is before birth.
One co-ordinator, and one only, would be
appointed for each family, and deal with all the
agencies, government
and non-government, working with
that
family.
They would guide the family through the
treatments and resources which are
available.
All services would be provided with input from
parents, and take into account
the needs of the whole
family.
It would also use a family's existing social
network,
which is so often an untapped reservoir of
support.
For instance friends, neighbours and
grand-parents could be given basic
medical training about dealing with a child's
disability, or taught to help the
child at school.
The child would be
brought
into the school system as early as
possible, through pre-schools
and kindergartens, as well
as
quality child care that could cater for their
specific disability.
The first five years of life are where most of
our learning is done, and it is
essential that a
child's
disability does not become a barrier to
learning, and that the child falls needlessly
behind
his peers.
Missing out on valuable learning early in life is
a missed opportunity that can
never be regained. During school there would be
an emphasis on determining how the
child could be as independent
as possible, and eventually become part of the
workforce.
It would focus on how their potential could be
used and their
disadvantages overcome.
When the child left school, support would
continue, and that child
would have a genuine choice about its future
accommodation.
It would have the same freedom to leave the
parental home, or to stay, that other young people
have.
They would enter a world that did not judge them, fear
them or pity them, but rather one where they were
judged by the content of their character not
by their impairment, judged by their ability, not
their disability.
Public buildings, shops and
vehicles would be as accessible as possible and
housing would be designed with their
needs in
mind.
"No longer living years of quiet desperation"
Finally, the extra money that we would need
to achieve all this would
not be
seen by society as a cost.
It would be seen as a valuable investment in
creating
adults
who are able to work, be fulfilled and be
independent.
I believe we are moving towards this human
right.
Government and
community
organisations are already working towards it, and, as
the
bushfires show, Australia will be there, we'll
always
be there, if the precedent is
there,
if the tradition of
help and
service and the bureaucratic superstructure is
there, to guide us towards the
steps we
should
Bill
Shorten: Right to an Ordinary Life
Page 10 of 11
take in this, as in any other emergency. The WILL is
there.
I
have seen the determination of people with
disability
to work and make the most of their lives. I have seen
them leaping over hurdles, attempting marathons,
attempting decathlons of social difficulty that most of
us have never even had to begin to think
about.
It is core to labor values of social
inclusion and
it has become my cause, that they should be liberated
from the
shackles of their genetics and their
accidental
circumstance, from those shafts of fate that strike down
and impair the innocent and the good, so they may
participate fully
and
without prohibition or prejudice in their own
lives and this world we share, so they may - un-
handcuffed, un-chained, un-forbidden - seek and enjoy the
opportunities that we each regard as fundamental human
rights.
In all this, it is impossible to over-emphasise the
need, the primal need, that people with disability feel,
and it's the need to be ordinary, to not be
thought of
as amusing,
or pitiable, or brave, or admirable, or
coping wonderfully with
difficult circumstances.
Just to be one of the gang, a girl in
the office,
a bloke at the pub, not invisible but unremarkable, part of the
normal order
of things, a friend like
any other, a
neighbour, an average Australian, a citizen,
another
human being.
I thank you.
1In
2003, their unemployment rate was 19.5% compared to 7.9% for
people
with
sensory speech and
physical
disability.
The
labour
force
participation rate for
people with
mental
illness was 28.2% compared with 49.5% for
people with
sensory
speech and
physical
disability.
The
2003 SDAC
figure is
just over a million people aged 15 - 64 with a disability
were employed - 135,000 people aged 15 - 64 with
profound or severe
disability.
2998
of the total 2077 complaints
3
Ian Silk, Bruce Bonyhady, Prof Allan Fels AO, Bill
Moss AM, Kathy Townsend, John
Walsh.
Bill
Shorten: Right to an Ordinary Life
Page 11 of 11
|